Saturday, 10 October 2015

Learning About Modi From Dadri

Learning About Modi from Dadri

Written by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, 10 October, 2015

Copyright © Dr. Seshadri Kumar.  All Rights Reserved.

For other articles by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, please visit http://www.leftbrainwave.com

Disclaimer: All the opinions expressed in this article are the opinions of Dr. Seshadri Kumar alone and should not be construed to mean the opinions of any other person or organization, unless explicitly stated otherwise in the article.

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Abstract

A Muslim man was killed in Bisada, a village near the town of Dadri, a mere 50 km from the Indian capital of Delhi, on the suspicion that he had slaughtered a cow and was consuming its meat, about 10 days ago. This incident has rocked India to the core; not merely because of the brutality of the act, but also because of what followed in its wake – the statements by prominent politicians of the ruling government of India – and what that means for the Muslim minority in India.

Specifically, it makes one wonder if the Prime Minister, Mr. Narendra Modi, sees himself as a PM for all Indians or for all Indians except Muslims.

Background

1.      For several months, since the BJP government of Mr. Narendra Modi took power in the Centre and, after winning many state elections in different parts of India, in those states, there has been a strong thrust to push pet projects of the Hindu right in India. One of those projects is to outlaw the consumption of beef. This was highlighted by the Maharashtra government banning the consumption of all beef in the state in a recent law.

2.     Related to this, many prominent personalities of the ruling BJP party and its allies on the Hindu right have been making provocative statements directly targeting minorities.
3.     Of late, three prominent Hindu rationalists who have been fighting black magic, superstition, and the like have been killed: Narendra Dabholkar, Govind Pansare, and M.M. Kalburgi – and the murderers are suspected to belong to the Hindu right-wing outfit called the Sanatan Sanstha. The killers have not yet been arrested.

4.     In this backdrop, what seems to have happened in Dadri is that a temple priest in the village of Bisada in Dadri announced (allegedly under threat) that Mr. Mohammad Akhlaque, a 52-year old Muslim resident of Bisada village, had slaughtered a cow and was consuming its meat. This announcement over a loudspeaker incited a mob of angry Hindus, who promptly proceeded to Mr. Akhlaque’s home, broke down the door, beat Mr. Akhlaque with sticks and bricks, and smashed his head with a sewing machine, killing him. Mr. Akhlaque’s son, Danish, was beaten so badly that he was fighting for his life for a week in the ICU of a hospital before finally surviving.


Social Media Reactions

The larger story from this incident is not the murder and the hate crime itself (even though the killing itself is quite horrific in itself), but what happened after the gruesome crime. There are two aspects to this, which are inter-related – the statements (or the lack of suitable statements) by politicians themselves, and the reactions by supporters of the ruling party on social media.

I will first talk about the social media reactions. As a fairly active social media participant, I had shared many articles expressing my dismay at the handling of this horrible incident by the Union Government and by Mr. Modi.

The reaction to these posts that I shared, from Hindutva supporters and supporters of Mr. Modi, was not any sense of regret or sorrow at the plight of the poor Muslim who had been so brutally slaughtered. The reaction was one of “whatabout-ery,” examples of which are “Oh, really? What about the nun who was gang-raped by Muslims from Bangladesh? Did you speak about that?” Similar tu quoque arguments about other events where the affected were Hindus were also presented in order to question my credibility as an unbiased commentator.

But what these supporters of Mr. Modi do not realize is that I, and people like me who might criticize the government or Mr. Modi, do not matter because we are powerless. I am a nobody. I will try my best to be consistent to maintain my own credibility, but the more important question as far as Dadri is concerned is: Who cares if I am inconsistent in my arguments? Who loses if I am not consistent? Nobody. I hold no one’s destinies in my hands or in my actions.

But Mr. Modi does. What he does or does not do affects the lives of 1.25 billion Indians. So he needs to be consistent.

Therefore it is instructive to see how Mr. Modi’s party members, and Mr. Modi himself, have reacted in the aftermath of this incident, and what it says about their party’s attitude towards Muslims.
                                                                
Reactions from BJP Politicians

The reactions from politicians belonging to the ruling party has been one of derision, indifference, and a total lack of empathy with the victims. Most of them appear to blame the victim and defend the perpetrators of this heinous crime. Take a look:

1.      Mahesh Sharma, the Union culture minister, said the premeditated murder was just an “accident.”
2.     BJP leader and MP Tarun Vijay said that Muslims should learn to “be victims and maintain silence in the face of assaults.”
3.     A local ex-MLA, Nawab Singh Nagar, said that the people who lynched Mr. Akhlaque were “innocent children,” adding that eating beef was anyway wrong, thus appearing to justify the murder.
4.     Local BJP leader Vichitra Tomar said that those arrested were innocent and the police should rather arrest those who committed the crime of killing a cow as that hurts Hindu sentiments.
5.     BJP district President Thakur Harish Singh said that “some people got agitated,” implying that everyone was making too much of a small matter.
6.     Shrichand Sharma, vice-president of BJP’s western UP unit, defended the murder, saying, “whose blood won’t boil if they see cow slaughter?” He even suggested that Akhlaque did not die of the beating but of shock because someone told him his son had died.
7.     It appears that the police had taken some of the meat found in Akhlaque’s home for testing, and found it was not beef after all. Tarun Vijay, not content with his initial insensitive statements, wrote an opinion column in the Indian Express where he expressed his sadness at the fact that Akhlaque was killed on “mere suspicion,” suggesting that if he had been proven to possess beef, the killing would have been justified.
8.     Union culture minister Mahesh Sharma was not done either. He clarified a few days later that he stood by his earlier statement that the murder was an accident, said that his investigation as a doctor told him, by looking at the wounds, that “there was no intention to lynch,” and further sought to exonerate the mob on the basis of their “good behaviour” by saying that there was a young woman in the house, Akhlaque’s 17-year old daughter, and no one in the mob had molested her, as though that exonerated them from the far more serious crime of lynching.
9.     When Akhilesh Yadav, the UP CM, invited Akhlaque’s family to the UP capital, Lucknow, to express his sympathies, BJP MPA Sangeet Som accused the CM of pandering to “cow-slaughterers,” as if Akhlaque’s family was not feeling insulted and humiliated enough.
10.  In a similar vein, well-known and infamous (for his intolerant statements about minorities) BJP MP Yogi Adityanath said yesterday that “The ones who slaughter cows are being compensated. Did they earn this money on their own?”
12.  Sadhvi Prachi, a leader of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, an ally of the BJP from the Sangh Parivar, said on Saturday that “those who consume deserve such fate,” referring to the lynching.

There are more such statements, but this will be enough to give a flavour of the kind of intolerance being publicly preached by leaders of the BJP and its affiliated organizations.

For five days, BJP politicians and leaders, and leaders from their allies, kept up this incessant stream of hate speech, with not a single senior national-level BJP leader trying to say that this kind of talk was inappropriate; that a man did not deserve death for the suspicion of eating beef; that this kind of hate towards Muslims was inappropriate.

A Weak Attempt at Damage Control

Finallly, after a full 5 days, after nonstop national discussion in the newspapers, on TV, and in social media, the government finally seemed to have woken up to the fact that this could not be swept under the rug by simply ignoring it. The first senior minister in PM Modi’s cabinet, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, said, in a rather clinical statement, that the attack on Mr. Akhlaque was condemnable. And yet, Mr. Jaitley seemed less concerned about the demoralizing effect of the attack on the Muslim community and more concerned with the fact that the attack diverted the attention away from development of the country. No mention was made of the various disparaging statements made by various important party members (mentioned earlier).

The next day, another cabinet colleague, Union transport minister Nitin Gadkari, spoke about the incident. Mr. Gadkari was more forthright than Mr. Jaitley about the issue in general (of eating beef), saying the government should not get into the business of what people eat, even though he did not name the Dadri incident specifically. He, too, did not talk about the harsh words used by his party colleagues.

The same day, Union home minister Rajnath Singh also spoke a bit less obliquely about the Dadri incident, naming it specifically and terming it “unfortunate,” as though luck had something to do with it. He said the government would deal strongly with those who tried to “break communal harmony,” but still did not speak on the principle of the matter – that a man should not have been killed on the basis of his diet.


And then there was the Prime Minister.

The PM’s Bizarre Silence

Throughout all this, Prime Minister Modi said nothing about the incident, although he is not a man who is ever shy of facing the camera or communicating on what he wanted to communicate using social media.

For 9 days since the incident, PM Modi, in spite of the national controversy over this; in spite of the fact that it was making headlines in every newspaper every day; in spite of the fact that every TV channel was conducting talk shows every evening for hours to discuss this matter for more than a week; in spite of the fact that this incident and the government response to it had invited condemnation from most of the eminent columnists in the media, such as Swaminathan Aiyar, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, Shekhar Gupta, Tunku Varadarajan, and Tavleen Singh; and had made headlines internationally (see, for example, these media reports from CNBC, The Washington Post, Al Jazeera, The New York Times, BBC, CBS, The Atlantic, AsiaNews (Italy), Dawn, The Irish Independent, The Edmonton Journal, and Salon.com) refused to break his silence over this incident. This from a PM who is known as one of the ablest communicators to be seen in the Indian political scene, and who is one of the best extempore speakers one can ever witness. In spite of daily newspaper columns (as in this example) wondering about his silence, the PM did not speak on the issue.

It was not that the PM was so busy with the affairs of the nation that he had no time to devote to this burning issue; during his long silence on the Dadri incident, he found time to send condolences to Asha Bhosle on the death of her son; later he also found time to send his wishes for a speedy recovery to Navjyot Sidhu for a health problem the BJP MP had tweeted about and which most people had not heard about.

When questioned about the PM’s silence on the issue, Union Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari again defended the PM two days ago, saying the PM did not need to speak on the issue (more on this below). Sanjay Baliyan also said that the “PM cannot be expected to comment on every incident…how can you expect Prime Minister to speak on every murder?”

The PM Speaks!

Finally, on October 8, 2015, the PM spoke, 10 days after the lynching.

And what did he say? That Hindus and Muslims should not fight each other, they should fight poverty. (Never mind that the Muslims were not fighting anybody here – they were on the receiving end of violence from the Hindus in this incident.) He also said that “some people” were making irresponsible statements for political gain, and appealed to citizens not to take them seriously.

That’s it. Really.

Were you expecting a bit more? I sure was. This is already extremely late for a reaction. And this is all he can say? An incident in which a Muslim family has been brutalized for no fault has been reduced to a quarrel between Hindus and Muslims? What was Akhlaque’s fault? How did he “fight the Hindus instead of fighting poverty?” Why this attempt to dilute the crime of the Hindu mob and cast it as a “fight” where both sides bear equal responsibility?

And “some people” were making irresponsible statements for political gain? After 10 days, you cannot name your own ministers who have been indulging in those statements? How do the people know you are not talking about the statements made by Lalu Prasad Yadav or Akhilesh Yadav criticizing the PM and referring to those as irresponsible statements? Even if you did not want to name your MPs, MLAs, District VPs, or Ministers, at least you could have mentioned which insensitive comments? At least you could have addressed the core issue –that a man does not deserve to die for eating beef???

No, Mr. Modi, this is not enough. And it tells us a lot about you and your government.

Defending the Indefensible

For the last 12 days, I have read so many arguments from supporters of Mr. Modi and Hindutva fans, who have tried to explain why the fault is not Mr. Modi’s but someone else’s, why a speech from Mr. Modi was not required, and so on. Let me talk a little bit about these before I explain my conclusion.

A good summary of many of these arguments can be found in an outburst from Mr. Nitin Gadkari four days ago. In this he first trivializes the demand for a statement from Mr. Modi, saying, “if he speaks, you will say why he spoke, and if he does not speak, you will ask why did not speak.” Then he says:

·       “Will the PM speak on every matter?” (This is an argument I have seen many use on social media.) “There is the home minister and other ministers. Did Manmohan Singh speak on all issues?”
·       These people blame Modi for everything. Weren't there riots during Congress time? That time nobody asked. Now whenever someone wearing saffron says anything, it's played three times and people try hard to connect it with BJP, RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) and Modi.”

Union Home Secretary Rajiv Mehrishi claimed this was a law and order problem, implying that the person who should be blamed for all this is Akhilesh Yadav, as CM of Uttar Pradesh, the state in which Dadri is located.

One columnist in a Hindu right-wing online magazine tried to justify Mr. Modi’s silence by saying “Mob lynching and murder for any reason – not just religious intolerance – is definitely condemnable. But, does it call for a statement from the Prime Minister until the facts are fully established?”

Why the Arguments for the PM’s Silence Are Faulty

Let me consider the arguments posited in Mr. Modi’s defense:

1.     The Nun Gangrape in Kolkata. Forget about what I said or did not say about the gangrape of the nun in Kolkata. What did Mr. Modi say? Let’s see, shall we? The news about the gangrape came on March 15, and Mr. Modi immediately tweeted on March 17 about the rape about his deep concern regarding the incident. But he took more than a week to respond about a horrific murder. Related to this, some have pointed out other incidents in which Hindus allegedly were at the receiving end of atrocities by Muslims and nothing was done about those incidents. If such incidents did occur, then they should be highlighted and action demanded. Every right-thinking citizen would support action against the perpetrators of such violence against any person, regardless of his or her faith. But simply because justice was not done in some cases is not a good argument to say that Mohammad Akhlaque does not deserve justice.

2.    “How can you expect the PM to tweet on every murder?” or “Do you expect the PM to tweet on every matter?” This is not “every murder” or worse, “every matter.” This was a gruesome hate crime of a Muslim for a suspected action that can only be considered as deserving death if you are a Hindu fanatic. It was an event that has been occupying headlines every day since it happened and has shocked the nation’s conscience. To refer to it as “every murder” or “every matter” is to insult the memory of Mohammad Akhlaque, every Muslim, and every fair-minded non-Muslim in a most insensitive way.

3.    “Weren’t there riots during Congress rule?” Mr. Gadkari, this was not a riot. This was a premeditated murder of a Muslim by an intolerant Hindu mob simply because they suspected of eating beef.

4.    “The facts are not fully established.” No one is asking Mr. Modi to play detective and issue a report on who instigated the violence and who killed Akhlaque. That is not the point at all. All that was expected of him was to make a statement that the murder was wrong, and that killing anyone for those reasons was wrong. He was not asked to say that BJP members killed Mohammad Akhlaque.

5.    “This is a UP government law-and-order issue.” Yes, it is. However, the BJP ministers who spoke ill of Akhlaque were not doing it at Akhilesh Yadav’s bidding, were they?

And that is the crux of the issue.

The outrage about Mr. Modi’s silence is not because BJP members are accused of inciting the violence. People are not even outraged as much because the mob may have been influenced by the BJP government’s constant rhetoric on beef-eating.

The real issue is what happened after the murder. It is what prominent BJP leaders said after the lynching, and what that says about the BJP’s mentality, and why the PM said nothing to correct them until 10 days after the event.

Why did the PM need to address the country himself, and soon?

As many in the ruling party and its supporters have asked, why should we not be satisfied with what his senior ministers have said?

Why The PM Should Have Spoken – And Very Soon

I gave the following analogy to a colleague at work: if he is entrusted with a project and a client, and he is doing a good job, his manager will not (or should not) interfere in the project – the junior person is doing a satisfactory job and the client is happy.

But if the junior engineer is making mistakes, and the manager is aware, he must immediately intervene and correct the mistakes and, more than that, assure the client that these mistakes are aberrations and not the norm.

The bigger the mistake, the higher the person who should intervene to correct the perception. For instance, when a violation as gross as Volkwagen’s tampering of emission systems happened, it became imperative for the company’s CEO to speak about it immediately.

In the Dadri case, the “junior” leaders of the BJP (who are themselves prominent politicians in their own right) had said appalling things about the incident and about Mr. Akhlaque. Someone had to step in to correct the perception – if indeed the perception created by these people about the BJP was wrongthat the BJP was a bigoted party.

In a normal scenario, if the people lower on the chain act appropriately, it would not be necessary for the PM to intervene. And even in such cases, the intervention of the PM sends a strong positive message, as President Obama’s handling of the recent Oregon shootings in the USA showed.

But in the Dadri case, appalling statements were made initially by important BJP representatives. This was followed by silence from the top leaders for 5 full days. When senior leaders started to address the real issue – which is not the attack on Akhlaque, but the subsequent insensitive and hate-filled response of important BJP representatives – it was half-hearted at best.

Jaitley seemed to regard the Dadri lynching as a mere annoyance and an impediment to development in his cold statement; Gadkari at least addressed the issue that one must be free to eat whatever he wished in India, but was unwilling to condemn the hate speeches; and the Home Minister simply called the incident unfortunate and spoke in vague generalities about wanting to preserve communal harmony.

All in all, 5 days after the gruesome incident and the intolerant speeches, when the senior ministers finally spoke, none of them acknowledged the key issue – that of the hate and bigotry expressed by their own important leaders, including members of Mr. Modi’s cabinet. So none of them had even gone halfway towards assuaging people’s concerns about this government’s view of minorities.

It is because of these circumstances that the PM, like President Obama in the case of the Oregon shootings, should have spoken immediately about the Dadri lynching. Waiting 5 days would have been 5 days too many; but better late than never. Not speaking after your senior ministers fail to address the crucial issue is even worse.

Once Modi realized his key people were not doing the right thing, it was imperative for him to speak up – if his heart was in the right place. But was it?

Given what he said when he finally did speak about it, it is hard to conclude that his heart was in it. As Portia says in The Merchant of Venice, “the quality of mercy is not strained.” It seems apparent that Mr. Modi spoke only as a belated attempt at damage control, not in a genuine outpouring of feeling – for, feeling is not contrived.

Outrage is something visceral. You do not hold it in for 10 days.

There are many indications that the PM decided to speak only as an afterthought and as a damage control exercise, once it slowly started dawning on the BJP that perceptions were beginning to hurt it. For instance, a group of Muslim leaders met Parliamentary Affairs Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi more than 8 days after the incident. I reproduce from the report in The Hindu on this meeting:

Top sources in the government confirmed that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was behind this sudden activity on the part of not just Mr. Naqvi but also of several senior ministers who spoke out in the last couple of days.
“The incident in Dadri should have been a case of failure of law and order by the U.P. government; instead, because of the comments of Ministers like Mahesh Sharma and leaders like Sangeet Som and Sakshi Maharaj, it was entirely being blamed on the BJP,” said a top source.
“Mr. Sharma’s comments that the incident was an accident was a real blunder, and this, despite the fact that he had been pulled up by party president Amit Shah when he referred to the former President, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s patriotism ‘despite being a Muslim’,” said a senior office-bearer of the BJP.
The fact that the deceased man’s son was in the Indian Air Force (IAF) has also added to the issue. “This kind of incident with someone who is serving in the armed forces was indigestible,” said a source in the government.
Having decided to speak, the PM could still not do it graciously. It almost seemed forced, as though teeth were being extracted, based on what he said. Everything was an oblique reference. He could not name the people in his party who spoke inappropriately; he could not even affirm that the principle was wrong – that to kill a man for eating beef was morally and legally wrong; and he miscast the lynching as a case of Hindu-Muslim violence when, in fact, the violence was entirely by Hindus on a defenceless Muslim.
The Inevitable Conclusions
At this point, anyway, it is too late. It was too late even before the PM spoke two days ago, as the long delay in any senior BJP politician at the Centre commenting on the various insensitive remarks, the lukewarm nature of their remarks when they finally spoke, and the lack of urgency in the PM to say anything about the incident had already convinced most people that this PM did not care enough about what had happened in Dadri. But any doubts people had were dispelled by the words the PM spoke.
The PM has clearly demonstrated with his lack of action, his delayed acknowledgment of the incident, and his absolutely bland statements about the lynching that he does not count Muslims among his favoured constituents. For him to pretend that the lynching of a Muslim man by a Hindu mob was simply a fight between Hindu and Muslim groups, that deserved the admonition not to “fight among themselves, but fight poverty” is to make a mockery of Akhlaque’s death.
What the PM must now needs to know is that it is not only Muslims that he no longer speaks for. It is the moderate Hindus as well, many of whom I personally know, who are sickened by this government’s intolerance towards Muslims since it took power.
Modi stayed silent as one member after another of his party and allied groups made insulting comments about Muslims in this past year and said nothing to criticize those making such statements. He listened quietly and said nothing when one politician said that those who do not support Modi can go to Pakistan; he said nothing when another politician said that you could vote for the BJP, who are the Ramzades, or for the rest, whom she termed Haramzades (bastards); and many more intolerable acts of speech.
But now he has looked the other way when a Hindu mob mercilessly lynched an innocent Muslim man (for those who feel like responding, I will assert once again that even killing a cow does not merit death, however much a Hindu might be upset at it – so Akhlaque is definitely innocent), and this shows a heightened level of heartlessness.
For me, personally, this is the last straw. I had voted for Mr. Modi in the 2014 elections because he had promised to be a PM for all Indians and not just Hindus; I voted for him even though I knew of his highly likely complicity in the orchestration and masterminding of the 2002 riots; but I naively believed his speeches in which he gloriously spoke of Hindus and Muslims uniting together for a prosperous India. I foolishly believed he had left his past behind, that from now on he would take the extra step in making sure Muslim citizens in India would have no reason to fear him.
But Mr. Modi has let me down, as he has let down most moderate Hindus who believed in him. Our faith in him has been sorely tested for the last year, as statements of communal hatred were being made at regular intervals with only occasional token censures from Mr. Modi; but the callousness he has displayed in this brutal murder tells me that I was a fool to believe his election promises; that a leopard never changes its spots.
But Hindu right-wingers and supporters of Mr. Modi do not need to just go with my judgement on the matter. They may consider me as a liberal (“sickular”?) whose views they can safely disregard. But that would be foolish and equivalent to the action of the proverbial ostrich who hides his head in the sand.
The unconscionable lynching to death of Mohammed Akhlaq in Dadri over rumours of alleged beef consumption is likely to haunt the BJP and the Modi government for a long time. It is not going to become a non-issue just because the home ministry has issued a statement expressing "concern" over "incidents with communal overtones" across the country, "including the recent unfortunate incident at Dadri, UP."

Asking states to show "zero tolerance" towards such incidents is obviously the right thing to do, but it simply won't do the BJP and its government's "communal" image any good. The Modi government needs to internalise two important facts of life in a media-saturated world: perceptions are reality; and once formed, perceptions are almost impossible to change in a hurry. It has to build its politics by recognising these two points as a given.

To these points, Jaggi could have added that asking Hindus and Muslims not to fight each other and fight poverty instead will also not do the Modi government’s communal image any good; however, Jaggi wrote this article before Mr. Modi’s statement on the issue and was unable to address the PM’s statement.

Although Jaggi tries to make excuses for the BJP in his article, even a BJP supporter like him is forced to admit that

This is not in any way to suggest that the BJP and the Sangh do not have people who are bigoted and deserve to be put behind bars or banned from making stupid statements of the kind put out by Sakshi Maharaj, Mahesh Sharma or Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti. Public perceptions are not formed in a vacuum - they have some basis in reality.

But what convinced me that intellectuals on the side of the BJP have, after more than 10 days, finally realized the colossal blunder that Mr. Modi and the rest of the BJP have made in betraying their hardline attitudes publicly in the wake of Dadri are Jaggi’s closing sentences:

The bottomline is simple: If the Modi government wants to change perceptions about itself, it has to show a long-term commitment to it, and also be prepared to steadily abandon its base among sections of conservative Hindus. This is a tall order, for it means the party having to give up the bird in hand for two in the bush.

Just as Rahul Gandhi is not going to earn the "communal" Hindu vote by occasionally surfacing in Kedarnath and claiming he felt "fire-like" energy at the temple there, Modi is not going to be viewed as "secular" by talking in general about "sabka saath, sabka vikas", or even by meeting groups of Muslims here and there assuming them or fair treatment. It took him 10 years to wash off the 2002 stain, and even now it is not entirely gone.

Perceptions change only over the long-term, and they require hard work and a willingness to lose what you gain from your current perceptions. Is Modi ready for the hard slog?

I have never seen Jaggi admit so much, and that he felt compelled to do is an indication of how far the pendulum has swung in terms of the perception of the BJP. The BJP has clearly overplayed its card, and now stands fully exposed.

Jaggi is right. Modi still bears the stain of the 2002 riots. Because of that, many moderates among the Hindus, myself included, had hoped that he would go out of his way to ensure that Muslims felt welcome in his vision of India. That has sadly proven not to be the case. Jaggi’s parting question could well be rhetorical, for those who have watched this administration probably know the answer – that not only does Modi seem not “ready for the hard slog,” as Jaggi puts it, but he doesn’t even seem kindly disposed to any such idea. Given what has transpired in the last 10 days, what Jaggi is hoping for is like asking for the moon.

Given that Jaggi is sympathetic to the BJP, his admission that the BJP will find abandoning its base among hardline Hindus in order to appeal to a larger constituency in India a “tall order” is as close to saying this will never happen as a BJP supporter will ever admit.

To the rest of us, there is no more guesswork. This government exists for the hardline Hindus. The question is what this means for the rest of India and, indeed, for India as a whole. The pitch about beef-eating is steadily rising, as was seen today in the violence about skinning a cow (actually requested by a Hindu because the cow died of natural causes) in Mainpuri, UP. The fact that the BJP and its politicians are continuing to give inflammatory speeches on cow slaughter even in the aftermath of Dadri suggests that there are larger forces at work in trying to capitalize on the sentiments regarding beef-eating in order to divide Indians and drive wedges of hatred between them.

This portends very dangerous days ahead for India. Nobody can say what other terrible things might happen in the name of religion in the remaining 3.5+ years of BJP rule from the 2014 mandate.

But one thing is very clear. This is not the government that the majority of Indians who are not hardline Hindus voted for. These are not the viewpoints we wanted highlighted. We voted for a government that would include every Indian in its march towards development – for a government that believed in “sabka saath, sabka vikaas” – only to learn now that was a cynical slogan. To learn that Mr. Modi was not sincere in his stated goal of bringing people of all religions together in his quest for development comes as a rude shock for those of us who believed in him and voted for him; but it is better to be hurt now than live with illusions.

The Modi government has made its choice clear. It has cast its lot with the Hindu hardline right wing. Now we must make our choices.


Friday, 2 October 2015

Why Gandhi Jayanti?

Why Gandhi Jayanti?

Written by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, 02 October, 2015

Copyright © Dr. Seshadri Kumar.  All Rights Reserved.

For other articles by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, please visit http://www.leftbrainwave.com

Disclaimer: All the opinions expressed in this article are the opinions of Dr. Seshadri Kumar alone and should not be construed to mean the opinions of any other person or organization, unless explicitly stated otherwise in the article.

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Happy Gandhi Jayanti.

Today we celebrate the birth of a man who is revered as a Mahatma (Great Soul) in India – Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, also known as Mahatma Gandhi or simply Gandhiji in India.

No one really knows why, though.

It is said that he is the Father of the Indian Nation.

Today most people know him as the man whose photo is on all rupee notes. When the Indian government first came out with 500 rupee notes, it was common to refer to a 500 rupee note as a "Gandhi." This is what he is mostly known for today - 100, 500, 1000 rupee notes.

Gandhi advocated the philosophy known as ahimsa, or nonviolence. Nobody followed this philosophy even during Gandhi's lifetime. One of his most sucessful movements was the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920-22, which he had to abandon because inflamed followers burnt police constables to death in the infamous Chauri Chaura incident. This was to be a recurrent theme in his political career. He was not absolute on this position, either – he supported the British government in World War I and the Boer War.

He also incessantly advocated Hindu-Muslim unity. The failures of both the Hindu-Muslim unity and the nonviolence ideas were manifested in the partition of India in 1947, where an estimated 1 million Hindus and Muslims died in inter-religious riots after the leaders concluded that Hindus and Muslims could not peacefully live in one country. That failure has been obvious in 68 years of independence in India, where Hindu-Muslim riots are a regular feature in the news.

He also personally believed in a Hindu society without caste divisions, although he was reluctant to force the mass of caste Hindus to change to his point of view. After the emergence of Ambedkar as a prominent Dalit leader, Gandhi tried to compete for the votes of the Dalits and tried to make his support for them more explicit. But given that the mass of his support came from upper-caste Hindus, Gandhi could never push too much and was content to say that he hoped that by encouraging upper-caste Hindus to voluntarily give up caste discrimination, he could change Hindu society. In this, too, he has failed to shake the attitudes of upper-caste Hindus even 65 years after independence. What has given the Dalits real muscle is the activism that was started by Ambedkar which resulted in reservation in jobs, etc. and eventually the rise of Dalit politicians like Kanshi Ram and Mayawati, not to mention the likes of the Dravida movement.

Gandhi also had ideas on the self-sufficiency of villages and on developing India through empowering the villages. His ideas on the rural economy were abandoned even while he was alive by his protege, Nehru, who believed in the western idea of industrialization. The country has proceeded on the path started by Nehru and has focused on industrialization at the expense of villages. So here, too, Gandhi failed to have an influence.

Some people have put forth the idea that Gandhi's real contribution to India's freedom movement was that he made it a mass movement - that he made it a movement of the entire Indian population. That may be so.

This is important to understand because the reasons for the British leaving India have never been clear. The much-hyped Quit India Movement of 1942 was a flat failure, even though our history textbooks in India made a big deal of it. The British imprisoned all the key leaders and completely suppressed the movement within 48 hours. All the leaders, such as Gandhi, were not released until after the war. There was really no movement in India demanding Independence in 1945.

Many theories have been postulated as to why the British gave India its independence. One of them is that it cost the British too much to administer India. This theory does not make sense because it is at odds with the general notion that India was a cash cow for the British. If the British in general made a lot of money from India, it would have more than covered the administrative expense. Our learned Congress MP Shashi Tharoor recently made an impassioned speech in Oxford about how much the British looted India's wealth. So unless they had completely bled India dry and the returns were not commensurate with the administrative expense, this theory does not wash. It is hard to believe that India was profitable to the British right up to World War II and then became unprofitable.

The second theory is that the British left India because of the mutiny in the armed forces following the trial of the INA soldiers after the war. This theory says that once the army and navy mutinied, the British realized that they could no longer trust the armed forces to keep them safe, and so quit before it got uglier. In this scenario, the credit goes to the late Subhas Bose, aka Netaji.

The counter to this argument is that even if the INA trials were the reason the British left India, without Gandhi the idea of a national movement for independence, nurtured by him for 30 years since his return from South Africa in 1915, would never have become so big that the Indian soldiers would have revolted.

I am tempted to accept this explanation, because of the lack of a better one. I'd be interested if anyone has a better explanation. Before Gandhi joined the Congress, the party would only debate in the living rooms of affluent lawyers to discuss what should happen to India. But when Gandhi arrived, he started going to the villages in India and talking to the poorest Indians. He started identifying with them and wearing the clothes they did. He became a man of the masses and made the Congress a mass party.

So maybe that's why we call him the Father of the Nation - because he united the masses of this vast subcontinent into thinking we were an India whose independence we should unite to fight for - even though we discarded all his ideas on what form and shape that independent India should take.

Sunday, 20 September 2015

India's National Language Dilemma

India’s National Language Dilemma

Written by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, 20 September, 2015

Copyright © Dr. Seshadri Kumar.  All Rights Reserved.

For other articles by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, please visit http://www.leftbrainwave.com

Disclaimer: All the opinions expressed in this article are the opinions of Dr. Seshadri Kumar alone and should not be construed to mean the opinions of any other person or organization, unless explicitly stated otherwise in the article.

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Since independence, India has faced a major dilemma.

As probably the most diverse democracy on the planet – a multi-religious (Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian, Parsi, Jewish, and other minorities), multi-linguistic (today there are 22 official languages in India), and multi-ethnic democracy characterized by community and caste, India faced the formidable challenge since its formation of how to create unity in this incredible diversity. Other countries can barely fathom the complexity of this challenge. One goes from one state to another – like Tamil Nadu to Karnataka, or Maharashtra to Gujarat, and the language of communication changes completely. It is like saying that when you drive from Kentucky to Ohio in the USA, you have to speak a different language. Another way to imagine this complexity is to imagine what Europe would be if it were a country rather than a continent composed of many countries. Such cultural complexity as seen in India is not seen in any other country.

One of the solutions proposed to create unity within this diversity was the creation of a national language. This solution was proposed by the Indian National Congress (INC), the party that spearheaded the nonviolent freedom movement in India. Prominent leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi, and Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari (aka Rajaji) mooted this idea so that the whole of India could communicate in one voice. This would lead to administrative clarity as well as cultural cohesiveness, they argued, and forge a nation of multiple, multi-dimensional identities into a whole.

Historical Opposition

However, this idea has faced serious opposition from its inception. The idea was introduced by the INC in 1937 when they were in charge of the Home Rule government under British authority. Rajaji introduced it during his tenure as Premier of Madras Province and made education in Hindi compulsory, leading to protests organized by EV Ramasamy Naicker (aka Periyar) against what Periyar considered the imposition of north Indian values and ideas on the people of the south – the domination of the Dravidians by the Aryans, as Periyar viewed it.

Periyar was a giant in the world of Tamil Nadu (the state that was formed based on language from the Madras state for speakers of the Tamil language) politics, and he left a legacy that has survived to this day, and will likely continue for a long time hereafter as well. Periyar was one of the leading pro-Dalit (Dalits are the lowest strata – the “untouchables” – in Hinduism’s notorious caste system) voices in the country, and he saw Hindi as an offshoot of Sanskrit, the language of the upper castes in Hinduism. He saw the people of Tamil Nadu as the original inhabitants of India – the Dravidians, who were subjugated and assimilated in a gradual process by the migrating Aryans from outside India. He saw the caste system in Hinduism as a construct by the Aryans to subjugate the native Dravidians in their own land, and therefore argued for the rejection of all Sanskrit-based culture as symbols of oppression of the Dravidians.

Periyar’s efforts in raising a Dravidian consciousness led to the formation of parties that claimed to stand for the rights of the “Dravidian people” – essentially, the non-Brahmins – parties such as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) (lit., “Dravidian Peoples’ Progress Party”) and its chief rival, the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), where the name “Anna” refers to a prominent leader of the Dravidian movement – CN Annadurai, the disciple of Periyar who became chief minister of Tamil Nadu following Periyar’s ideals on Dravida empowerment. The hold of the Dravida empowerment philosophy evolved by Periyar is so strong that for the last 48 years, power in Tamil Nadu has only been in the hands of either the DMK or the AIADMK.

Following independence in 1947, the Central Government tried to make the teaching of Hindi compulsory throughout India. This evoked widespread protests in Tamil Nadu, led by Periyar, eventually forcing the government to relent and make Hindi an optional subject in Tamil Nadu in 1950.

The Constituent Assembly considered the question of a national language and finally decided against it. Instead, it advocated that two languages, English and Hindi, be used for all official business in India for 15 years. In 15 years, Hindi would be widely promoted and eventually after 15 years, English would be dropped as an official language and Hindi would be the sole official language.

While this kept tensions under the lid for some time, people started getting worried once the 15 year deadline approached. The government instituted first the BG Kher committee in 1955 and later the Parliamentary Committee on Official Language (chaired by Gobind Ballabh Pant and hence also called the Pant Committee) to study the issue in 1957. The Pant committee recommended that Hindi be made the primary official language and English the subsidiary official language. This was again greeted with protests. To quell the agitation, PM Nehru stated in Parliament that the arrangement of English as the second official language would not end in 1965.

To keep good his word, Nehru introduced the Official Languages Act in 1963, two years before the 15-year deadline of the Constituent Assembly ended in 1965, to clarify that English would continue to be an official language beyond 1965. The act recommended that the then-existing system continue for another 10 years, after which a committee would examine how much progress Hindi had made in its spread through India and make recommendations to the President.

However, this did not satisfy the DMK, because of the language of the bill, which they viewed as ambiguous. The bill stated that:

Notwithstanding the expiration of the period of fifteen years from the commencement of the Constitution, the English language may, as from the appointed day, continue to be used, in addition to Hindi,--

(a) For all the official purpose of the Union for which it was being used immediately before that day; and
(b) For the transaction of business in Parliament.


The difficulty the DMK had with the bill was the use of the word “may” in the sentence reading, “the English language may, as from the appointed day, continue to be used…” The DMK argued that “may” was ambiguous, and could just as easily be interpreted as “may not,” and so rejected the bill.

Soon after this, Nehru died, and his successor Lal Bahadur Shastri and his cabinet ministers Gulzarilal Nanda and Morarji Desai were strongly in favour of making Hindi a national language. This prompted the DMK, who feared that Shastri would not keep Nehru’s word, to intensify agitations. Things came to a boil when the Congress CM of Tamil Nadu introduced a bill to make compulsory in Tamil Nadu a three-language formula (English, Hindi, Tamil.)

The 15-year deadline for the continuation of English as a second official language would end on Republic Day, 1965 (January 22). Therefore, the DMK intensified anti-Hindi agitations in January 1965. Eventually Shastri backed down and agreed to honor Nehru’s commitments.
In 1968 a National Policy on Education was implemented by the Indira Gandhi government after the death of Shastri. This suggested a three-language formula, where children in all states in India would learn three languages – the language of the state, Hindi, and English. In states where the state language was Hindi, the students would have to learn any one of the many other official languages of India, preferably a South Indian language for the purposes of national integration.

However, this policy was not followed faithfully by most states. The Tamil Nadu government unilaterally passed a law not requiring compliance with the central law, and said that only Tamil and English need be taught in Tamil Nadu. In Hindi-speaking states, parents chose not to learn any southern languages, but use the provision to teach their children Sanskrit as the third language. The issue was thus never resolved.

Although Tamil Nadu has been at the forefront of efforts to block Hindi as the national language, many other states have a similar objection, although they do not state it so vocally. One such state is Bengal, which takes great pride in Bengali, considers it culturally more advanced than Hindi, and sees no reason for Bengali to play second fiddle to Hindi. Many other states have similar regional pride and do not see a reason to strongly opt for Hindi as a national language.

Thus, at many levels, there is opposition within India to naming Hindi as the national language. Many attempts have been made to reintroduce Hindi as the national language, but there has always been opposition to it. A recent Gujarat High Court ruling in 2010 affirmed that Hindi was not the national language and could not be imposed as such, even though Hindi had penetrated through most of India.

English as a Possibility?

Given the difficulty with Hindi as a national language, if one needs a link language throughout India, why not use English? After all, English is the lingua franca of the world. Even in countries with strong local language traditions, such as France or Germany, learning English is compulsory. In China, the government is making a very strong push to make its citizens learn English to be more competitive globally. In India itself, even poor people have understood well that English is the ticket to prosperity, so more parents want their children to go to a school where English, rather than the local state language, is the medium of instruction.

Given all this, it makes eminent sense for English to be made the national language of India on pragmatic grounds. However, this offends the nationalist spirit of many Indians, who point out that English was the language of the foreign rulers (the British) who ruled India for 200 years. They also point out that while many people in India may speak English, it is actually the native language of very few in India. For many, this seems like a colonial hangover.

In addition, people fear that, if English becomes the national language, literature in local languages will start to be neglected because local languages would cease to be taught in schools. Even in present-day India, the focus seems to have irretrievably shifted from regional languages to English, purely because of the job market. This has advocates of local languages and cultural diversity concerned (and rightly so) about the vast treasure of literature in local languages vanishing from India and about a generation of Indians, in the not-so-distant future, that is incapable of reading or appreciating any literature in regional languages. That would certainly be a huge cultural loss.

One could point out that opponents of Hindi also fear a similar cultural loss – that Hindi literature and poetry would benefit at the cost of the literature and poetry of other states.

Being Novel by Coming Full Circle

As we have seen, it is unlikely Hindi will ever be accepted by the entire nation currently. English also faces opposition from many angles, no matter what the pragmatic value it adds. One clearly needs a different approach.

Some have argued for Sanskrit as an alternative to Hindi, but there are two problems with it. One, it is a dead language. No one, apart from one small village in Karnataka, actually uses it for everyday language. Two, introducing Sanskrit will not satisfy Tamil Nadu – for, recall that the main objection of Tamil Nadu is that they did not want a Brahminical, “Aryan,” language thrust upon them. So Sanskrit will not work.

Here I propose a novel solution – actually an old solution that time has made novel.

I propose to introduce Hindustani – the mix of Hindi and Persian that was the dominant dialect of Hindi at the time of independence – as the national language.

This may seem like a foolish proposal, given that this was the language that Rajaji and Nehru wanted implemented in 1937 as the national language, and opposed passionately by Periyar. However, consider these facts.

·       Hindustani was being proposed as the national language only until 1947
·       Once Pakistan was separated from India, the Congress dropped the demand for Hindustani and switched to “pure” Hindi, whatever that means (in practice it meant replacing well-known Hindustani words like “maafi” with esoteric Sanskrit words like “kshama.”
·       Today’s Hindi bears very little resemblance to Hindustani because all the Urdu/Persian words have been stripped out.
·       If Hindustani becomes the national language, it will be a learning burden on both Hindi speakers and non-Hindi speakers alike because the “official” version of Hindustani that everyone will learn will contain substantial amounts of Urdu and Persian words.
·       Not only this, the inclusion of Urdu words means that this will be a good national unification bridge between Hindus and Muslims as well.
·       If Hindi speakers agree to this, it will be a big concession from them, and then Tamil people may not mind making a concession in turn.
·       Hindustani is not the language of Hinduism. There are plenty of non-Sanskrit words. The vedas do not use words like ijaazat, matlab, or kaamiyaab. Hence there is no need to think that this is an effort by Brahmins to thrust their culture on Dalits.
·       Hindustani is the language of Bollywood, and this is the greatest unifier in India today.
·       Hindustani may have been the common language of north India in 1947; today the official language is pure Hindi and Hindustani has been de-emphasized, leading to relative ignorance among the people of north India in Hindustani.
·       Hindustani, unlike English, is a uniquely Indian language. It is a blend of languages that was achieved in India. Nothing foreign about it.
·       And finally, (I will elaborate on this point in the next section), Hindustani is a much prettier language than Hindi. 

The Beauty of Hindustani

One of the key reasons I prefer Hindustani is that it is a far prettier language than Hindi, especially Sanskritised Hindi. Sanskrit is full of hard sounds that do not flow easily for music and poetry. This makes pure Hindi a difficult language for poetry and songs. Recognizing this, most poets who work in the Hindi film industry actually use Hindustani abundantly to make the language more musical. Perhaps some examples will help to understand. 

Below, Hindi phrases from songs are marked in red, and Hindustani phrases are marked in blue, so you can see the difference. See if you can even hum the pure Hindi equivalents.

1.

Intezaar, aitbaar, iqraar, aur pyaar

Pratiksha, bharosa, sweekruti, aur pyaar

2.

Mere mehboob tujhe meri mohabbat ki qasam
Phir mujhe nargisi ankhon ka sahaara de de
Mera khoya hua rangeen nazaara de de

Meri priyatama mujhe meri prem ki vachan
Phir mujhe halki peeli netron ka sahaara de de
Mera gum hua rangeen adbhut drishya de de

3.

Sham e gham ki qasam
Aaj gamgeen hain hum
Aa bhi jaa, aa bhi jaa aaj mere sanam

Dukh bhari sham par satya
Aaaj dukhi hain hum
Aa bhi jaa, aa bhi jaa, aaj mere premika

4.

Seene mein jalan, ankhon mein toofan sa kyoon hai
Is sheher mein har shaqs pareshaan sa kyoon hai

Hriday mein jwala, netron mein aandhi sa kyoon hai
Is nagar mein, har vyakti chintit kyoon hai

5.

Aap ki nazron nein samjha pyar ke kaabil mujhe
Aap ki vichar nein samjha prem ke yogya mujhe

6.

Ajeeb dastan hai ye, kahan shuru kahan khatam
Ye manzilen hain kaunsi, na wo samajh sake na ham

Asaamaanya kahani hai yeh, kahan prarambh kahan samapt
Ye lakshya hain kaunsi, na wo samajh paae na ham

7.

Khwab chun rahi hai raat, beqaraar hai
Tumhara intezaar hai

Sapne chun rahi hai raat, utsuk hai
Tumhari pratiksha hai

See my point? Because of all the lovely sounds in Hindustani due to Persian and Urdu influences, Hindustani sounds a lot prettier than Hindi. Given the other advantages I have listed for Hindustani in the bulleted list, and given that for 68 years we have struggled with this dilemma, I urge the nation to give this thought careful consideration.

Jai Hind!