Thursday 28 January 2016

The Decline of the Scientific Temper Among Indians


Written by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, 28 January, 2016

Copyright © Dr. Seshadri Kumar.  All Rights Reserved.

For other articles by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, please visit http://www.leftbrainwave.com

Disclaimer: All the opinions expressed in this article are the opinions of Dr. Seshadri Kumar alone and should not be construed to mean the opinions of any other person or organization, unless explicitly stated otherwise in the article.

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Happy 67th Republic Day. (I know it is a bit late, but what’s a couple of days in 67 years? I’m certainly punctual by Indian standards.)

Today (January 26) marks the adoption of the Indian Constitution in 1950 by India.

One very important part of the Constitution is the section on “Fundamental Duties” of Indian citizens, added to the Constitution by an amendment in 1970. One of these fundamental duties is that “it shall be the duty of every citizen to develop the scientific temper, humanism, and the spirit of inquiry and reform.”

Indians in today’s India seem to have forgotten this important injunction.

What is this “scientific temper?” The Wikipedia article on Scientific Temper describes it as follows:
Scientific temper is a way of life - an individual and social process of thinking and acting - which uses a scientific method, which may include questioning, observing physical reality, testing, hypothesizing, analysing, and communicating (not necessarily in that order). Scientific temper describes an attitude which involves the application of logic. Discussion, argument and analysis are vital parts of scientific temper. Elements of fairness, equality and democracy are built into it. Jawaharlal Nehru was the first to use the phrase in 1946. He later gave a descriptive explanation:
“[What is needed] is the scientific approach, the adventurous and yet critical temper of science, the search for truth and new knowledge, the refusal to accept anything without testing and trial, the capacity to change previous conclusions in the face of new evidence, the reliance on observed fact and not on pre-conceived theory, the hard discipline of the mind—all this is necessary, not merely for the application of science but for life itself and the solution of its many problems.” —Jawaharlal Nehru (1946) The Discovery of India, p. 512.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the First Prime Minister of India, Who Coined the Term, "Scientific Temper"
Nehru, who seems to have coined this word, qualified what was meant by scientific temper even more, clarifying that it was a way of thinking, and not just about science. As the Wikipedia article continues:
Nehru wrote that scientific temper goes beyond the domain in which science is normally done, and deals also with the consideration of ultimate purposes, beauty, goodness, and truth. But he also said that it is the opposite of the method of religion, which relies on emotion and intuition and is (mis)applied "to everything in life, even to those things which are capable of intellectual inquiry and observation."While religion tends to close the mind and produce "intolerance, credulity and superstition, emotionalism and irrationalism", and "a temper of a dependent, unfree person", a scientific temper "is the temper of a free man". He also indicated that the scientific temper goes beyond objectivity and fosters creativity and progress. He envisioned that the spread of scientific temper would be accompanied by a shrinking of the domain of religion, and "the exciting adventure of fresh and never ceasing discoveries, of new panoramas opening out and new ways of living, adding to [life's] fullness and ever making it richer and more complete." He was of the strong opinion that "It is science alone that can solve the problems of hunger and poverty, of insanitation and illiteracy, of superstition and deadening custom and tradition, of vast resources running to waste, of a rich country inhabited by starving people."
The Vanishing Scientific Temper of Hindutva Followers
Of late, or, more specifically, since the rise to prominence of Narendra Modi and his ascent to the prime ministership, many Indians seem to have totally lost the scientific temper. I refer not to illiterate, uneducated people. I am talking about friends of mine who have studied at the most prestigious Universities in India and the United States. I am talking about those who have worked in world-class industrial R&D organizations and who, even today, apply logic relentlessly in their professional domain.
For quite a few years now, these people have developed a split personality, a schism within themselves, in their approach to the world. When it comes to their professional domain, they are relentless in the pursuit of logic and rationality; if one of these people is a marketing manager, for example, you can be sure that he will not invest a dime of his company’s money in a new market unless the data show unquestionably that there is a profit to be made; if she is a scientist, you can be sure that she will not follow a scientific route of inquiry unless she has researched the work of scientists past and can clearly defend whatever hypothesis she is proposing; if he is an IT person, you can be sure he will only use the best practices in that industry, which have been tried and tested and proven to be the best.
But a strange transformation comes over these people when they switch from the professional to the personal domain – when they talk about their religion, their culture, and the history of the country of their birth. Suddenly they undergo a 180 degree turnaround – they insist that it is not fact that matters but belief. They refuse to apply logic. They accuse those who use logic and rationality to analyse situations of being unpatriotic and possessed of a “slavish mentality.” There are many examples of this Jekyll-Hyde transformation. I will discuss a couple of them here.
The Aryan Migration Debate
The Aryan Migration debate relates to the history of India a couple of thousands of years ago. Archaeological expeditions started in pre-Independence India by the British revealed the great Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) sites of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. This showed the world that the Indian subcontinent was the home of one of the truly advanced and great civilizations of the ancient world. The IVC settlements are dated to as long back as 6000 BC (e.g., Mehrgarh), but the city of Harappa itself, the most important city in this complex, is dated to only as far back as 2600 BC. There is a mature phase of the Harappan Civilization that is dated between 2600-1900 BC, a transition phase between 1900-1800 BC, and a late phase that sees the decline of Harappa, leading to the abandonment of the city itself, between 1800-1300 BC.
The Ruins of Mohenjo-Daro, with The Great Bath in the Foreground
The decline of the IVC also coincides with the rise of Vedic Hinduism, which appears to have come into India roughly around 1500 BC.
There are a lot of links between Vedic Hinduism and Zoroastrianism, specifically that the Avesta, the main religious book of the Zoroastrians, specifically refers to the Devas as the enemy. Linguists have long postulated that “Asura” in the Hindu holy books, the Vedas, refers to “Ahura,” especially in light of passages in the Avesta, the holy book of the Zoroastrians, which refer to the Devas as their enemy, with the passage,
And I shall destroy the malice of all the malicious, the malice of Daevas and men, of the Yatus and Pairikas, of the oppressors, the blind, and the deaf.
Like the Vedic Hindus, the Zoroastrians also worshipped the fire, and consumed the sacred offering Soma (which they called Haoma). All this leads to the possibility that Vedic Hinduism migrated to India from Central Asia through Iran.
In addition, the IVC appears to have very few links to Vedic Hinduism. In particular, the horse, which is an important part of the Vedas, finds no reference in the IVC seals. The only animal similar to a horse that is found in the IVC seals is an animal that is often described as a “unicorn,” (see figure below) but really looks like a bull with one horn. But what seems more likely (since there is no evidence of unicorns anywhere in history or geography) is that this is a bull viewed end-on, with just one horn shown. But the horse finds no pictorial depiction in the IVC seals at all.
The Famous "Unicorn Seal" of the Indus Valley Civilization
One connection that the IVC does seem to share with modern Hinduism is the famous Pashupati seal: a seal depicting a person in an obviously yogic pose, surrounded by a variety of animals. This seal is thought to perhaps mean the adi-yogi, Shiva. The explanation for this might well be, as eminent researchers like Iravatham Mahadevan have proposed, that the IVC was a prototypical Dravidian civilization, and Shiva a Dravidian God. One of the modern ideas on IVC is that modern Hinduism is a blend of religious customs and deities from the IVC and the Vedic religion.
The Pashupati IVC Seal
Hindutva followers are very uncomfortable with all these discoveries. They are uncomfortable with the idea that Vedic Hinduism is a fairly recent import to India. They would like to believe that India has remained Vedic for ever; that Vedic Hinduism arose in the Indian subcontinent. This is also central to their aim to declare non-Hindus (and followers of religions unconnected with Hinduism, such as Islam and Christianity) as “foreigners” because India is not their holy land (as Savarkar said in his book “Who is a Hindu?”) They prefer to think of the links between Vedic Hinduism and Zoroastrianism as having been there because Hinduism arose in India and then migrated westwards.
Unfortunately, the facts do not support this. Archaeologists have found that the oldest reference to the Vedic culture occurs not in India, Pakistan, or Afghanistan, but in Syria. If Hinduism started in the Indian subcontinent and travelled westwards, we should expect the opposite – the oldest Hindu artefacts found in India.
I should point out here that the issues are certainly not completely settled. There is fierce debate among scholars on many issues on the facts and what they mean and how they should be interpreted.
Rather than dispute the facts in a logical manner, and discuss which of them may have errors in them, these Hindutva followers often confront rational thinkers like me with questions such as: “Why don’t you have pride in India?” “Why don’t you want to believe that India was the source of Hinduism?” Or worse, they will say, “Your assertion that Hinduism came to India from the west was first stated by Western scholars to undermine India. Your agreeing with them shows that you are a slave of the west and have no national pride.”
What these people are missing is that pride in something false is pointless. If it is false and you believe it, someday your mythical worldview will come crashing down on you and make you look really bad. Our honourable PM experienced this when, in order to show his pride in India’s glorious past, he claimed that Hindus knew about plastic surgery thousands of years before the west, with the story of the God Ganesha being an example to prove this. Or the Indian Science Congress of 2015, in which some speakers, encouraged by the Central government, made ludicrous statements that Indians knew how to fly thousands of years ago on the basis of mythological stories. Attempts like this only make you look sorry.
Indian PM Narendra Modi Speaking at The Indian Science Congress, 2015
Reason and logic – in short, the scientific temper – is the only way to analzye these really complex issues. I do not want to get into more detail of the issues involving the AMT debate now. My objective is not to prove that the AMT is absolutely correct. There can be, and there are, many valid objective views on this.
But the point I am making is that when someone says “Hinduism may have migrated into India from Central Asia,” the correct response is NOT to say, “Oh yeah? Go to Pakistan, you brown sahib, you Macaulay-putra.”
One can have a lot of pride in Indian culture (as I do) and still think the evidence seems to heavily suggest that Hinduism is a blend of two religions – what existed before the Aryans came to the subcontinent and what the Aryans brought with them.
The Caste System in Hinduism
Another thing that always gets the Hindutva supporter’s goat is discussion of the caste system in Hinduism. The caste system is one of the most abhorrent legacies of Hinduism to the world. It is so corrosive that even converts from Hinduism to other religions, like Islam and Christianity, tend to practice it within those religions (which do not permit such distinctions.)

Furthermore, the caste system is very much alive, and even in the 21st century, we hear of caste-based atrocities in India, in which upper castes behave horribly with lower castes just because they may have used a common facility, like a road. And this, in spite of the Indian constitution, which was written 67 years ago this day, specifically outlawing caste discrimination.

Hindus are often mortified when non-Hindus ask them how their religion can sanction such horrible crimes against fellow humans. This is particularly true of Indians who live abroad, as western Christians are completely unfamiliar with these concepts, and many are shamefaced about explaining this obviously unjust and cruel concept.

So they have come up with some clever, albeit false, rationalizations.

The chief plank of their defence is to claim that caste discrimination, especially the crude and evil way it is practiced in many parts of India even today, was never part of the pure Hindu way. They admit that caste discrimination is an evil, but claim that it is a social custom that was added to Hindu custom by some people from the upper castes a few hundred or maybe a thousand years ago to empower themselves; that it is a false Hinduism; that pure Hinduism never gives sanction it; even that the story about Hinduism crushing underfoot the lower castes and the “untouchables” in India is a myth that the Englishman introduced to make India lose confidence in itself; that the scriptures do not sanction caste discrimination.

This is a lie.

The fact is that the Hindu scriptures have reams of rules about caste discrimination – rules that are absolutely unambiguous, and cannot be “interpreted” in any convenient way – that state quite clearly the position of the different castes. They state quite clearly that the Brahmanas (priests) are the highest stratum, followed by the Kshatriyas (warriors), followed by the Vaishyas (merchants), and finally by the Shudras (laborers). These are finally followed by those outside the four-fold division of society, the Dalits (not the name used in the scriptures – Dalit is a modern name – but the meaning is the same) – who have no status and no rights in society, who are essentially slaves of the four strata of Hindu society.

When confronted with this truth, Hindutva followers often claim that the fourfold division of Hinduism is simply an optimal organization of labour, just as today we have bankers, engineers, priests, accountants, drivers, doctors, and the like. The vital difference is that today the son of a sweeper can become a doctor; in Vedic times this was impossible.

Nothing illustrates this truth better than the story of Matanga from the Mahabharata. Matanga was a boy who was born a Dalit but adopted by a kind Brahmana. When an adolescent, he learns the truth of his birth and is told his soul is unclean (since he is a Dalit). Matanga resolves to cleanse his soul of its blot, and performs terrible penance, starving himself and devoting himself to God for years. Finally satisfied with his prayers, Indra, king of the gods, comes down from the heavens to grant Matanga’s prayers. Matanga asks to be transformed into a Brahmana. Indra tells him this is not possible and asks Matanga to ask another boon. Matanga will not relent; he performs more and more penance to force Indra to grant his wish. Finally, Indra tells him that his wish is impossible to grant; that his soul being born in the low caste of Dalits, he would have to suffer millions of rebirths as a Dalit to be born as one of the fourfold, a low Shudra, then again millions of rebirths with good behaviour to graduate to the next caste, and so on, until he would need quintillion rebirths as a Kshatriya to be born as a Brahmana. He thus assures Matanga that being converted to a Brahmana in the same birth is impossible.

When confronted with these uncomfortable facts, the Hindutva follower gets very angry, calls me a stooge of those who would like to malign Hinduism, and asks me why I cannot find good things to say about Hinduism.

But things do not become good simply because we wish them to be. The scientific temper requires that we use rationality and logic to examine questions and decide whether they are right or wrong. Just saying that Hinduism never discriminates against lower castes will not make it so.

We have to accept what a careful analysis of Hindu scripture tells us. And in my careful study, 95% of scripture strongly sanctions caste discrimination and cruelty, and about 5% says the opposite – that caste is based on character, not birth. But there is a preponderance of passages that say that caste discrimination is not only correct, but required of a good Hindu. (This is the subject of a future article.)

To be fair to the Hindutva follower, his ignorance is not entirely his fault. This false version of Hinduism has been fed to him by such eminent people like Mahatma Gandhi and Swami Vivekananda. Their desire to fill Indians with pride about their civilization was stronger than their love for the truth. It was luminaries like these who taught the Hindu of the 20th century that Hinduism was not to blame at all for its ills; it took a man of the courage of BR Ambedkar to expose this lie in his classic work, “The Annihilation of Caste.”

Mahatma Gandhi (left) and Swami Vivekananda (right)
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Architect of India's Constitution
Calling someone who points out the deficiencies in Hinduism a Hindu-hater or a follower of Lord Macaulay, who held Hinduism in contempt, is not the way to address this problem. It reveals a deep deficiency in the scientific temper.

Concluding Thoughts

India is facing a serious problem in the vanishing of the scientific temper when it comes to social and religious issues. There are many among the majority Hindus who see any criticism of one “official” line of thought very offensive. This serious problem has to be rectified if India as a country and a civilization is to move ahead, and if its culture has to grow and be dynamic.

If we truly want to celebrate our 67th Republic Day, maybe we could go beyond the parades and make a true commitment to inculcate a scientific temper within us, as is enjoined upon us by the Constitution.




Saturday 10 October 2015

Learning About Modi From Dadri

Learning About Modi from Dadri

Written by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, 10 October, 2015

Copyright © Dr. Seshadri Kumar.  All Rights Reserved.

For other articles by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, please visit http://www.leftbrainwave.com

Disclaimer: All the opinions expressed in this article are the opinions of Dr. Seshadri Kumar alone and should not be construed to mean the opinions of any other person or organization, unless explicitly stated otherwise in the article.

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Abstract

A Muslim man was killed in Bisada, a village near the town of Dadri, a mere 50 km from the Indian capital of Delhi, on the suspicion that he had slaughtered a cow and was consuming its meat, about 10 days ago. This incident has rocked India to the core; not merely because of the brutality of the act, but also because of what followed in its wake – the statements by prominent politicians of the ruling government of India – and what that means for the Muslim minority in India.

Specifically, it makes one wonder if the Prime Minister, Mr. Narendra Modi, sees himself as a PM for all Indians or for all Indians except Muslims.

Background

1.      For several months, since the BJP government of Mr. Narendra Modi took power in the Centre and, after winning many state elections in different parts of India, in those states, there has been a strong thrust to push pet projects of the Hindu right in India. One of those projects is to outlaw the consumption of beef. This was highlighted by the Maharashtra government banning the consumption of all beef in the state in a recent law.

2.     Related to this, many prominent personalities of the ruling BJP party and its allies on the Hindu right have been making provocative statements directly targeting minorities.
3.     Of late, three prominent Hindu rationalists who have been fighting black magic, superstition, and the like have been killed: Narendra Dabholkar, Govind Pansare, and M.M. Kalburgi – and the murderers are suspected to belong to the Hindu right-wing outfit called the Sanatan Sanstha. The killers have not yet been arrested.

4.     In this backdrop, what seems to have happened in Dadri is that a temple priest in the village of Bisada in Dadri announced (allegedly under threat) that Mr. Mohammad Akhlaque, a 52-year old Muslim resident of Bisada village, had slaughtered a cow and was consuming its meat. This announcement over a loudspeaker incited a mob of angry Hindus, who promptly proceeded to Mr. Akhlaque’s home, broke down the door, beat Mr. Akhlaque with sticks and bricks, and smashed his head with a sewing machine, killing him. Mr. Akhlaque’s son, Danish, was beaten so badly that he was fighting for his life for a week in the ICU of a hospital before finally surviving.


Social Media Reactions

The larger story from this incident is not the murder and the hate crime itself (even though the killing itself is quite horrific in itself), but what happened after the gruesome crime. There are two aspects to this, which are inter-related – the statements (or the lack of suitable statements) by politicians themselves, and the reactions by supporters of the ruling party on social media.

I will first talk about the social media reactions. As a fairly active social media participant, I had shared many articles expressing my dismay at the handling of this horrible incident by the Union Government and by Mr. Modi.

The reaction to these posts that I shared, from Hindutva supporters and supporters of Mr. Modi, was not any sense of regret or sorrow at the plight of the poor Muslim who had been so brutally slaughtered. The reaction was one of “whatabout-ery,” examples of which are “Oh, really? What about the nun who was gang-raped by Muslims from Bangladesh? Did you speak about that?” Similar tu quoque arguments about other events where the affected were Hindus were also presented in order to question my credibility as an unbiased commentator.

But what these supporters of Mr. Modi do not realize is that I, and people like me who might criticize the government or Mr. Modi, do not matter because we are powerless. I am a nobody. I will try my best to be consistent to maintain my own credibility, but the more important question as far as Dadri is concerned is: Who cares if I am inconsistent in my arguments? Who loses if I am not consistent? Nobody. I hold no one’s destinies in my hands or in my actions.

But Mr. Modi does. What he does or does not do affects the lives of 1.25 billion Indians. So he needs to be consistent.

Therefore it is instructive to see how Mr. Modi’s party members, and Mr. Modi himself, have reacted in the aftermath of this incident, and what it says about their party’s attitude towards Muslims.
                                                                
Reactions from BJP Politicians

The reactions from politicians belonging to the ruling party has been one of derision, indifference, and a total lack of empathy with the victims. Most of them appear to blame the victim and defend the perpetrators of this heinous crime. Take a look:

1.      Mahesh Sharma, the Union culture minister, said the premeditated murder was just an “accident.”
2.     BJP leader and MP Tarun Vijay said that Muslims should learn to “be victims and maintain silence in the face of assaults.”
3.     A local ex-MLA, Nawab Singh Nagar, said that the people who lynched Mr. Akhlaque were “innocent children,” adding that eating beef was anyway wrong, thus appearing to justify the murder.
4.     Local BJP leader Vichitra Tomar said that those arrested were innocent and the police should rather arrest those who committed the crime of killing a cow as that hurts Hindu sentiments.
5.     BJP district President Thakur Harish Singh said that “some people got agitated,” implying that everyone was making too much of a small matter.
6.     Shrichand Sharma, vice-president of BJP’s western UP unit, defended the murder, saying, “whose blood won’t boil if they see cow slaughter?” He even suggested that Akhlaque did not die of the beating but of shock because someone told him his son had died.
7.     It appears that the police had taken some of the meat found in Akhlaque’s home for testing, and found it was not beef after all. Tarun Vijay, not content with his initial insensitive statements, wrote an opinion column in the Indian Express where he expressed his sadness at the fact that Akhlaque was killed on “mere suspicion,” suggesting that if he had been proven to possess beef, the killing would have been justified.
8.     Union culture minister Mahesh Sharma was not done either. He clarified a few days later that he stood by his earlier statement that the murder was an accident, said that his investigation as a doctor told him, by looking at the wounds, that “there was no intention to lynch,” and further sought to exonerate the mob on the basis of their “good behaviour” by saying that there was a young woman in the house, Akhlaque’s 17-year old daughter, and no one in the mob had molested her, as though that exonerated them from the far more serious crime of lynching.
9.     When Akhilesh Yadav, the UP CM, invited Akhlaque’s family to the UP capital, Lucknow, to express his sympathies, BJP MPA Sangeet Som accused the CM of pandering to “cow-slaughterers,” as if Akhlaque’s family was not feeling insulted and humiliated enough.
10.  In a similar vein, well-known and infamous (for his intolerant statements about minorities) BJP MP Yogi Adityanath said yesterday that “The ones who slaughter cows are being compensated. Did they earn this money on their own?”
12.  Sadhvi Prachi, a leader of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, an ally of the BJP from the Sangh Parivar, said on Saturday that “those who consume deserve such fate,” referring to the lynching.

There are more such statements, but this will be enough to give a flavour of the kind of intolerance being publicly preached by leaders of the BJP and its affiliated organizations.

For five days, BJP politicians and leaders, and leaders from their allies, kept up this incessant stream of hate speech, with not a single senior national-level BJP leader trying to say that this kind of talk was inappropriate; that a man did not deserve death for the suspicion of eating beef; that this kind of hate towards Muslims was inappropriate.

A Weak Attempt at Damage Control

Finallly, after a full 5 days, after nonstop national discussion in the newspapers, on TV, and in social media, the government finally seemed to have woken up to the fact that this could not be swept under the rug by simply ignoring it. The first senior minister in PM Modi’s cabinet, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, said, in a rather clinical statement, that the attack on Mr. Akhlaque was condemnable. And yet, Mr. Jaitley seemed less concerned about the demoralizing effect of the attack on the Muslim community and more concerned with the fact that the attack diverted the attention away from development of the country. No mention was made of the various disparaging statements made by various important party members (mentioned earlier).

The next day, another cabinet colleague, Union transport minister Nitin Gadkari, spoke about the incident. Mr. Gadkari was more forthright than Mr. Jaitley about the issue in general (of eating beef), saying the government should not get into the business of what people eat, even though he did not name the Dadri incident specifically. He, too, did not talk about the harsh words used by his party colleagues.

The same day, Union home minister Rajnath Singh also spoke a bit less obliquely about the Dadri incident, naming it specifically and terming it “unfortunate,” as though luck had something to do with it. He said the government would deal strongly with those who tried to “break communal harmony,” but still did not speak on the principle of the matter – that a man should not have been killed on the basis of his diet.


And then there was the Prime Minister.

The PM’s Bizarre Silence

Throughout all this, Prime Minister Modi said nothing about the incident, although he is not a man who is ever shy of facing the camera or communicating on what he wanted to communicate using social media.

For 9 days since the incident, PM Modi, in spite of the national controversy over this; in spite of the fact that it was making headlines in every newspaper every day; in spite of the fact that every TV channel was conducting talk shows every evening for hours to discuss this matter for more than a week; in spite of the fact that this incident and the government response to it had invited condemnation from most of the eminent columnists in the media, such as Swaminathan Aiyar, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, Shekhar Gupta, Tunku Varadarajan, and Tavleen Singh; and had made headlines internationally (see, for example, these media reports from CNBC, The Washington Post, Al Jazeera, The New York Times, BBC, CBS, The Atlantic, AsiaNews (Italy), Dawn, The Irish Independent, The Edmonton Journal, and Salon.com) refused to break his silence over this incident. This from a PM who is known as one of the ablest communicators to be seen in the Indian political scene, and who is one of the best extempore speakers one can ever witness. In spite of daily newspaper columns (as in this example) wondering about his silence, the PM did not speak on the issue.

It was not that the PM was so busy with the affairs of the nation that he had no time to devote to this burning issue; during his long silence on the Dadri incident, he found time to send condolences to Asha Bhosle on the death of her son; later he also found time to send his wishes for a speedy recovery to Navjyot Sidhu for a health problem the BJP MP had tweeted about and which most people had not heard about.

When questioned about the PM’s silence on the issue, Union Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari again defended the PM two days ago, saying the PM did not need to speak on the issue (more on this below). Sanjay Baliyan also said that the “PM cannot be expected to comment on every incident…how can you expect Prime Minister to speak on every murder?”

The PM Speaks!

Finally, on October 8, 2015, the PM spoke, 10 days after the lynching.

And what did he say? That Hindus and Muslims should not fight each other, they should fight poverty. (Never mind that the Muslims were not fighting anybody here – they were on the receiving end of violence from the Hindus in this incident.) He also said that “some people” were making irresponsible statements for political gain, and appealed to citizens not to take them seriously.

That’s it. Really.

Were you expecting a bit more? I sure was. This is already extremely late for a reaction. And this is all he can say? An incident in which a Muslim family has been brutalized for no fault has been reduced to a quarrel between Hindus and Muslims? What was Akhlaque’s fault? How did he “fight the Hindus instead of fighting poverty?” Why this attempt to dilute the crime of the Hindu mob and cast it as a “fight” where both sides bear equal responsibility?

And “some people” were making irresponsible statements for political gain? After 10 days, you cannot name your own ministers who have been indulging in those statements? How do the people know you are not talking about the statements made by Lalu Prasad Yadav or Akhilesh Yadav criticizing the PM and referring to those as irresponsible statements? Even if you did not want to name your MPs, MLAs, District VPs, or Ministers, at least you could have mentioned which insensitive comments? At least you could have addressed the core issue –that a man does not deserve to die for eating beef???

No, Mr. Modi, this is not enough. And it tells us a lot about you and your government.

Defending the Indefensible

For the last 12 days, I have read so many arguments from supporters of Mr. Modi and Hindutva fans, who have tried to explain why the fault is not Mr. Modi’s but someone else’s, why a speech from Mr. Modi was not required, and so on. Let me talk a little bit about these before I explain my conclusion.

A good summary of many of these arguments can be found in an outburst from Mr. Nitin Gadkari four days ago. In this he first trivializes the demand for a statement from Mr. Modi, saying, “if he speaks, you will say why he spoke, and if he does not speak, you will ask why did not speak.” Then he says:

·       “Will the PM speak on every matter?” (This is an argument I have seen many use on social media.) “There is the home minister and other ministers. Did Manmohan Singh speak on all issues?”
·       These people blame Modi for everything. Weren't there riots during Congress time? That time nobody asked. Now whenever someone wearing saffron says anything, it's played three times and people try hard to connect it with BJP, RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) and Modi.”

Union Home Secretary Rajiv Mehrishi claimed this was a law and order problem, implying that the person who should be blamed for all this is Akhilesh Yadav, as CM of Uttar Pradesh, the state in which Dadri is located.

One columnist in a Hindu right-wing online magazine tried to justify Mr. Modi’s silence by saying “Mob lynching and murder for any reason – not just religious intolerance – is definitely condemnable. But, does it call for a statement from the Prime Minister until the facts are fully established?”

Why the Arguments for the PM’s Silence Are Faulty

Let me consider the arguments posited in Mr. Modi’s defense:

1.     The Nun Gangrape in Kolkata. Forget about what I said or did not say about the gangrape of the nun in Kolkata. What did Mr. Modi say? Let’s see, shall we? The news about the gangrape came on March 15, and Mr. Modi immediately tweeted on March 17 about the rape about his deep concern regarding the incident. But he took more than a week to respond about a horrific murder. Related to this, some have pointed out other incidents in which Hindus allegedly were at the receiving end of atrocities by Muslims and nothing was done about those incidents. If such incidents did occur, then they should be highlighted and action demanded. Every right-thinking citizen would support action against the perpetrators of such violence against any person, regardless of his or her faith. But simply because justice was not done in some cases is not a good argument to say that Mohammad Akhlaque does not deserve justice.

2.    “How can you expect the PM to tweet on every murder?” or “Do you expect the PM to tweet on every matter?” This is not “every murder” or worse, “every matter.” This was a gruesome hate crime of a Muslim for a suspected action that can only be considered as deserving death if you are a Hindu fanatic. It was an event that has been occupying headlines every day since it happened and has shocked the nation’s conscience. To refer to it as “every murder” or “every matter” is to insult the memory of Mohammad Akhlaque, every Muslim, and every fair-minded non-Muslim in a most insensitive way.

3.    “Weren’t there riots during Congress rule?” Mr. Gadkari, this was not a riot. This was a premeditated murder of a Muslim by an intolerant Hindu mob simply because they suspected of eating beef.

4.    “The facts are not fully established.” No one is asking Mr. Modi to play detective and issue a report on who instigated the violence and who killed Akhlaque. That is not the point at all. All that was expected of him was to make a statement that the murder was wrong, and that killing anyone for those reasons was wrong. He was not asked to say that BJP members killed Mohammad Akhlaque.

5.    “This is a UP government law-and-order issue.” Yes, it is. However, the BJP ministers who spoke ill of Akhlaque were not doing it at Akhilesh Yadav’s bidding, were they?

And that is the crux of the issue.

The outrage about Mr. Modi’s silence is not because BJP members are accused of inciting the violence. People are not even outraged as much because the mob may have been influenced by the BJP government’s constant rhetoric on beef-eating.

The real issue is what happened after the murder. It is what prominent BJP leaders said after the lynching, and what that says about the BJP’s mentality, and why the PM said nothing to correct them until 10 days after the event.

Why did the PM need to address the country himself, and soon?

As many in the ruling party and its supporters have asked, why should we not be satisfied with what his senior ministers have said?

Why The PM Should Have Spoken – And Very Soon

I gave the following analogy to a colleague at work: if he is entrusted with a project and a client, and he is doing a good job, his manager will not (or should not) interfere in the project – the junior person is doing a satisfactory job and the client is happy.

But if the junior engineer is making mistakes, and the manager is aware, he must immediately intervene and correct the mistakes and, more than that, assure the client that these mistakes are aberrations and not the norm.

The bigger the mistake, the higher the person who should intervene to correct the perception. For instance, when a violation as gross as Volkwagen’s tampering of emission systems happened, it became imperative for the company’s CEO to speak about it immediately.

In the Dadri case, the “junior” leaders of the BJP (who are themselves prominent politicians in their own right) had said appalling things about the incident and about Mr. Akhlaque. Someone had to step in to correct the perception – if indeed the perception created by these people about the BJP was wrongthat the BJP was a bigoted party.

In a normal scenario, if the people lower on the chain act appropriately, it would not be necessary for the PM to intervene. And even in such cases, the intervention of the PM sends a strong positive message, as President Obama’s handling of the recent Oregon shootings in the USA showed.

But in the Dadri case, appalling statements were made initially by important BJP representatives. This was followed by silence from the top leaders for 5 full days. When senior leaders started to address the real issue – which is not the attack on Akhlaque, but the subsequent insensitive and hate-filled response of important BJP representatives – it was half-hearted at best.

Jaitley seemed to regard the Dadri lynching as a mere annoyance and an impediment to development in his cold statement; Gadkari at least addressed the issue that one must be free to eat whatever he wished in India, but was unwilling to condemn the hate speeches; and the Home Minister simply called the incident unfortunate and spoke in vague generalities about wanting to preserve communal harmony.

All in all, 5 days after the gruesome incident and the intolerant speeches, when the senior ministers finally spoke, none of them acknowledged the key issue – that of the hate and bigotry expressed by their own important leaders, including members of Mr. Modi’s cabinet. So none of them had even gone halfway towards assuaging people’s concerns about this government’s view of minorities.

It is because of these circumstances that the PM, like President Obama in the case of the Oregon shootings, should have spoken immediately about the Dadri lynching. Waiting 5 days would have been 5 days too many; but better late than never. Not speaking after your senior ministers fail to address the crucial issue is even worse.

Once Modi realized his key people were not doing the right thing, it was imperative for him to speak up – if his heart was in the right place. But was it?

Given what he said when he finally did speak about it, it is hard to conclude that his heart was in it. As Portia says in The Merchant of Venice, “the quality of mercy is not strained.” It seems apparent that Mr. Modi spoke only as a belated attempt at damage control, not in a genuine outpouring of feeling – for, feeling is not contrived.

Outrage is something visceral. You do not hold it in for 10 days.

There are many indications that the PM decided to speak only as an afterthought and as a damage control exercise, once it slowly started dawning on the BJP that perceptions were beginning to hurt it. For instance, a group of Muslim leaders met Parliamentary Affairs Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi more than 8 days after the incident. I reproduce from the report in The Hindu on this meeting:

Top sources in the government confirmed that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was behind this sudden activity on the part of not just Mr. Naqvi but also of several senior ministers who spoke out in the last couple of days.
“The incident in Dadri should have been a case of failure of law and order by the U.P. government; instead, because of the comments of Ministers like Mahesh Sharma and leaders like Sangeet Som and Sakshi Maharaj, it was entirely being blamed on the BJP,” said a top source.
“Mr. Sharma’s comments that the incident was an accident was a real blunder, and this, despite the fact that he had been pulled up by party president Amit Shah when he referred to the former President, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s patriotism ‘despite being a Muslim’,” said a senior office-bearer of the BJP.
The fact that the deceased man’s son was in the Indian Air Force (IAF) has also added to the issue. “This kind of incident with someone who is serving in the armed forces was indigestible,” said a source in the government.
Having decided to speak, the PM could still not do it graciously. It almost seemed forced, as though teeth were being extracted, based on what he said. Everything was an oblique reference. He could not name the people in his party who spoke inappropriately; he could not even affirm that the principle was wrong – that to kill a man for eating beef was morally and legally wrong; and he miscast the lynching as a case of Hindu-Muslim violence when, in fact, the violence was entirely by Hindus on a defenceless Muslim.
The Inevitable Conclusions
At this point, anyway, it is too late. It was too late even before the PM spoke two days ago, as the long delay in any senior BJP politician at the Centre commenting on the various insensitive remarks, the lukewarm nature of their remarks when they finally spoke, and the lack of urgency in the PM to say anything about the incident had already convinced most people that this PM did not care enough about what had happened in Dadri. But any doubts people had were dispelled by the words the PM spoke.
The PM has clearly demonstrated with his lack of action, his delayed acknowledgment of the incident, and his absolutely bland statements about the lynching that he does not count Muslims among his favoured constituents. For him to pretend that the lynching of a Muslim man by a Hindu mob was simply a fight between Hindu and Muslim groups, that deserved the admonition not to “fight among themselves, but fight poverty” is to make a mockery of Akhlaque’s death.
What the PM must now needs to know is that it is not only Muslims that he no longer speaks for. It is the moderate Hindus as well, many of whom I personally know, who are sickened by this government’s intolerance towards Muslims since it took power.
Modi stayed silent as one member after another of his party and allied groups made insulting comments about Muslims in this past year and said nothing to criticize those making such statements. He listened quietly and said nothing when one politician said that those who do not support Modi can go to Pakistan; he said nothing when another politician said that you could vote for the BJP, who are the Ramzades, or for the rest, whom she termed Haramzades (bastards); and many more intolerable acts of speech.
But now he has looked the other way when a Hindu mob mercilessly lynched an innocent Muslim man (for those who feel like responding, I will assert once again that even killing a cow does not merit death, however much a Hindu might be upset at it – so Akhlaque is definitely innocent), and this shows a heightened level of heartlessness.
For me, personally, this is the last straw. I had voted for Mr. Modi in the 2014 elections because he had promised to be a PM for all Indians and not just Hindus; I voted for him even though I knew of his highly likely complicity in the orchestration and masterminding of the 2002 riots; but I naively believed his speeches in which he gloriously spoke of Hindus and Muslims uniting together for a prosperous India. I foolishly believed he had left his past behind, that from now on he would take the extra step in making sure Muslim citizens in India would have no reason to fear him.
But Mr. Modi has let me down, as he has let down most moderate Hindus who believed in him. Our faith in him has been sorely tested for the last year, as statements of communal hatred were being made at regular intervals with only occasional token censures from Mr. Modi; but the callousness he has displayed in this brutal murder tells me that I was a fool to believe his election promises; that a leopard never changes its spots.
But Hindu right-wingers and supporters of Mr. Modi do not need to just go with my judgement on the matter. They may consider me as a liberal (“sickular”?) whose views they can safely disregard. But that would be foolish and equivalent to the action of the proverbial ostrich who hides his head in the sand.
The unconscionable lynching to death of Mohammed Akhlaq in Dadri over rumours of alleged beef consumption is likely to haunt the BJP and the Modi government for a long time. It is not going to become a non-issue just because the home ministry has issued a statement expressing "concern" over "incidents with communal overtones" across the country, "including the recent unfortunate incident at Dadri, UP."

Asking states to show "zero tolerance" towards such incidents is obviously the right thing to do, but it simply won't do the BJP and its government's "communal" image any good. The Modi government needs to internalise two important facts of life in a media-saturated world: perceptions are reality; and once formed, perceptions are almost impossible to change in a hurry. It has to build its politics by recognising these two points as a given.

To these points, Jaggi could have added that asking Hindus and Muslims not to fight each other and fight poverty instead will also not do the Modi government’s communal image any good; however, Jaggi wrote this article before Mr. Modi’s statement on the issue and was unable to address the PM’s statement.

Although Jaggi tries to make excuses for the BJP in his article, even a BJP supporter like him is forced to admit that

This is not in any way to suggest that the BJP and the Sangh do not have people who are bigoted and deserve to be put behind bars or banned from making stupid statements of the kind put out by Sakshi Maharaj, Mahesh Sharma or Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti. Public perceptions are not formed in a vacuum - they have some basis in reality.

But what convinced me that intellectuals on the side of the BJP have, after more than 10 days, finally realized the colossal blunder that Mr. Modi and the rest of the BJP have made in betraying their hardline attitudes publicly in the wake of Dadri are Jaggi’s closing sentences:

The bottomline is simple: If the Modi government wants to change perceptions about itself, it has to show a long-term commitment to it, and also be prepared to steadily abandon its base among sections of conservative Hindus. This is a tall order, for it means the party having to give up the bird in hand for two in the bush.

Just as Rahul Gandhi is not going to earn the "communal" Hindu vote by occasionally surfacing in Kedarnath and claiming he felt "fire-like" energy at the temple there, Modi is not going to be viewed as "secular" by talking in general about "sabka saath, sabka vikas", or even by meeting groups of Muslims here and there assuming them or fair treatment. It took him 10 years to wash off the 2002 stain, and even now it is not entirely gone.

Perceptions change only over the long-term, and they require hard work and a willingness to lose what you gain from your current perceptions. Is Modi ready for the hard slog?

I have never seen Jaggi admit so much, and that he felt compelled to do is an indication of how far the pendulum has swung in terms of the perception of the BJP. The BJP has clearly overplayed its card, and now stands fully exposed.

Jaggi is right. Modi still bears the stain of the 2002 riots. Because of that, many moderates among the Hindus, myself included, had hoped that he would go out of his way to ensure that Muslims felt welcome in his vision of India. That has sadly proven not to be the case. Jaggi’s parting question could well be rhetorical, for those who have watched this administration probably know the answer – that not only does Modi seem not “ready for the hard slog,” as Jaggi puts it, but he doesn’t even seem kindly disposed to any such idea. Given what has transpired in the last 10 days, what Jaggi is hoping for is like asking for the moon.

Given that Jaggi is sympathetic to the BJP, his admission that the BJP will find abandoning its base among hardline Hindus in order to appeal to a larger constituency in India a “tall order” is as close to saying this will never happen as a BJP supporter will ever admit.

To the rest of us, there is no more guesswork. This government exists for the hardline Hindus. The question is what this means for the rest of India and, indeed, for India as a whole. The pitch about beef-eating is steadily rising, as was seen today in the violence about skinning a cow (actually requested by a Hindu because the cow died of natural causes) in Mainpuri, UP. The fact that the BJP and its politicians are continuing to give inflammatory speeches on cow slaughter even in the aftermath of Dadri suggests that there are larger forces at work in trying to capitalize on the sentiments regarding beef-eating in order to divide Indians and drive wedges of hatred between them.

This portends very dangerous days ahead for India. Nobody can say what other terrible things might happen in the name of religion in the remaining 3.5+ years of BJP rule from the 2014 mandate.

But one thing is very clear. This is not the government that the majority of Indians who are not hardline Hindus voted for. These are not the viewpoints we wanted highlighted. We voted for a government that would include every Indian in its march towards development – for a government that believed in “sabka saath, sabka vikaas” – only to learn now that was a cynical slogan. To learn that Mr. Modi was not sincere in his stated goal of bringing people of all religions together in his quest for development comes as a rude shock for those of us who believed in him and voted for him; but it is better to be hurt now than live with illusions.

The Modi government has made its choice clear. It has cast its lot with the Hindu hardline right wing. Now we must make our choices.